Social Movements




Author(s): Abby Peterson

Political activists are increasingly confronting world leaders gathered temporarily in venues hosting transnational summits, e.g. at European Union summits, at G8 meetings, at WTO meetings, etc. In this paper I will, firstly, investigate the ways that territory is momentarily 'fixed' in transnational political struggles through the efforts of national and transnational activist networks. Secondly, I will analyze the strategies and tactics used by activists to both temporarily occupy territorial places and to disrupt these territorial places, together with the police strategies and operational tactics employed to counteract activist/demonstrators. These "reconnaissance battles" (Zygmunt Bauman 2002) being fought out in specific territorial places are in turn battles to define and redefine the political spaces of transnational and national power.





Author(s): Ainhoa Flecha and Olga Serradell

The dialogic feminism includes the voice of all women in the feminist theory. Starting from the principle of equality of differences, the dialogic feminism gets away from both, a homogenising vision of equality and an exclusionary concept of difference. This approach is grounded in egalitarian dialogue, solidarity and the capacity for transformation. Today, in an increasing multicultural society, it is necessary to formulate proposals that include the equal right of being different. In this sense, many immigrant non academic women are creating spaces in which they are overcoming barriers and making their voices heard and taken into account. They are thus transforming their personal and social environments. In this paper we will expose the theoretical bases of this new feminism, how it includes the "other women's" voices, and what are the transformative practices that contribute to its development.




Author(s): Alex Dennis and Jim McAuley

It is now increasingly argued that within contemporary society it is new forms of social movements that mobilize and drive politics. The expansion of the definition of politics beyond the party political, the diminished role of the state, the ever increasing importance of globalization, and social fragmentation all mean that the centrality of class can no longer be sustained. If it is the case that there have been changes in the nature of social movements in recent years leading to a radical break between 'old' and 'new' social movements it is reasonable to assume that there has also been a change in the material basis of those movements. No movement, however critical of capitalist structure and organisation, can be 'pure' in its opposition to capitalism, and regardless of whether one is prepared to accept Lenin's distinction between class consciousness and trade union consciousness any theory must be rooted in some form of everyday experience. The 'problem' of workplace-based social movements seems to us to only be a problem for two reasons: first, the concepts used around work and the workplace are historically specific and now outdated, not because of changes in the nature of work but because of changes in the relationship between the sphere of employment and other spheres of capital's operation. Secondly, the concepts used around class and identity are also historically explicit and outdated, not because of changes in class structure but as a consequence of capital's development and changes in technological ideology. The growing prominence and importance of non-workplace-based social movements (such as the fuel blockades and the Countryside Alliance in Britain) does not necessarily indicate that new forms of movement are growing up, but rather that our grammar for talking about such movements may be inadequate. In response, this paper will highlight the tendency toward practical and ideological co-operation between workplace- based mobilisations and new social movements (such as co-operation between the Liverpool Dockers and the 'Reclaim the Streets' movement). These and others will be considered as examples of how the limitations in our conceptual framework might be empirically tested and resolved.




Author(s): Alice Feldman

This paper develops an analysis of the diversification of Irish civil society through the synthesis of Bourdieuian approaches to social movement analysis and Third Sector research in Ireland. Following a notable history of social movements in the areas of equality, civil and human rights and social exclusion, the Third Sector in Ireland is undergoing a unique transformation in response to the rise of racism and anti-immigration sentiments. This shift is characterised by the cross-fertilisation of strategies and new networks of collaboration among development, development education, community development, human and civil rights, religious, asylum seeker support and anti-racism-focused organisations. It is unclear whether this coalescence constitutes a broad anti-racism movement per se (and how members of ethnic minorities view their roles in it). It will undoubtedly shape the mobilisation of 'new' minority ethnic communities and their roles within the broader picture of Irish civil society, particularly in light of the increase in the establishment of minority-led Third Sector organisations. Following Crossley (2001; 2002), this preliminary work employs Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and field to begin to outline the 'know-how' that has been generated by decades of social movement activity in Ireland and that currently shapes the existing field of Third Sector activity. Such a framework promises to generate understandings of the nature of the anti-racist politics and practices in Ireland as well as the conditions of emergence and development of 'new' minority ethnic community mobilisations. It will also advance the development of grounded and integrated approaches to analysis of both social movements and multiculturalism.




Author(s): Alison Woodward and Joke Wiercx

Social issues have been notoriously low on the agenda in most discussions of European integration. As actors in the European process, social movements have had less financial resources and institutional connections than economic groups. Yet despite resource handicaps, social movements around human rights, the environment, and gender issues have booked some victories. With the transformation of the institutions and competencies that have occurred in the 1990's, and the challenges that face the European Union thanks to Enlargement, new opportunities have opened for social issues. This paper explores the reconfiguration of equal opportunity lobbying in Brussels in face of these transformations and the new possibilities and threats offered by the proliferating interfaces of multi-level governance. It was originally suggested by some authors that social movements would have difficulties with transnational organization and maintaining their connections with their grassroots. Today transnational organization around gender and sexuality issues is a reality. This contribution traces the dynamics of transnational work directed at the European Union. It looks at the links between the Brussels offices of transnational groups and the institutions of the European Union on the one hand, and the national memberships and grass roots actors on the other. It is based on interviews with actors in the sexuality and gender organizations based on Brussels. The data includes reflections on the costs and benefits of cooperative action across national boundaries and across issue boundaries. Its particular focus is on the appearance of trans-issue bridges and strategic alliances and the elements that have forced cooperation. To what extent has such cooperation advanced the particular goals of the groups? How do the questions advanced collectively by the for a funded by the European Union relate to national and sectorial concerns? What is the impact of the wide spread borrowing of policy concepts and frames on policy outcomes? These questions are explored through a comparison of the launch and spread of the concept of 'mainstreaming' as opposed to that of 'diversity'.




Author(s): Ana de Miguel and Alejandra del Valle

The concept of "identity" has been one of the most stimulating to characterize the new ways of collective action and to explain the contributions of social movements since the eighties. From this point of view, it has been claimed that the evolution from the old movements to the new ones (or to their new signs) can be understood as the path "from ideology to identity" (Laraña & Gusfield). Collective identity is considered here as a social construction in continuous elaboration (Melucci). The goal of this paper is to show some of the problems of the identity concept in order to understand the variety of theoretical viewpoints of contemporaneous feminism. If we reduce such a variety to the distinction between difference or cultural feminism and egalitarian feminism, we find that whereas the first one does promote theses and practices related to the "feminine identity", the equality feminisms (from the liberal to the radical) seek to deconstruct what they name generic identities.




Author(s): Andres Walliser

In the last years there have been in some of Spanish major cities mobilisations with different degrees of organisation that have led to the consolidation of dense grassroots networks co-operating to demand and often achieve development programs for their neighbourhoods. The outcomes that are relevant for this pannel are three: 1) The whole process of consolidation of the networks which are formed by grassroots organisations of different kinds. How the aims and the roles are successfully negotiated and consensuated in a context of certain competition and rivalry between the non-profits a) for obtaining public resources (i.e. local social development projects) and b) for political reasons specially among the so called neighbours associations (asociaciones de vecinos), quite politised and often close to either the social-democrats or the ex-communists. What organisational variables contribute to success? 2)The way in which this organisations build into platforms, confronted the institutions and achieve area-based programs, but also a substantial degree of participation in the decision-making process. New models of urban governance, some of them unique in Europe have come out of this experiences. Which are the strategies used by the movements to deal with the authorities? What is the role of institutional and political culture background in these cases? 3)The effects of the whole process in terms of local identity for the citizens. To what extend local identity has played a substantial role in the organisation and consolidation of these movements?




Author(s): Åsa Wettergren

Can emotion theory help us understand culture jamming as a social movement? Culture jamming is a movement against global corporate power that experiments with forms of activism contingent upon consumer culture and late capitalism. Its practitioners benefit from a rich symbolic and cultural capital, media knowledge and technological skills. They are highly individualized though collectively oriented, thus also challenging the notion of "collective" action. The analysis draws on data from one central text - Culture Jam by Kalle Lasn - and from interviews with some culture jamming groups based in New York. I argue that culture jamming is emotionally motivated as well as cognitive. Culture Jam by Lasn targets an American structure of emotions that feeds into consumer culture, and his call for revolt against the latter necessitates liberation of suppressed emotions, like rage or anger. Recovering the bond to real experiences and real emotions, the culture jamming promises to transform shame, guilt and "postmodern cynicism" into anger, pride and joy. The interviews also show that embracing ambivalence as a necessary contemporary condition, culture jamming helps alleviate guilt and shame connected to the social position held by practitioners. They have access to relative wealth and power, and their professions are reproductive of consumer culture. Jammers further relate to "real activists" and express both guilt and pride in being different from them. Emotions account for a large part of this demarcation. I conclude that emotions explain the shape and content of culture jamming as political activism. Moreover, while culture jamming seems to result in very limited concrete political impact, emotional rewards are probably the main reasons for being a culture jammer.




Author(s): Benjamín Tejerína

Faced with the present predominance of knowledge and information technology, the powers-that-be and the social institutions which embody them are being subjected to profound tensions which are gradually transforming their very make-up. I am interested in reflecting on the institutions around which modern man has built up his personal and collective identity: religion, politics and work. The question I would like to answer is whether, alongside the traditional forms of collective identity proffered by said social institutions, there exist in advanced societies new sources of identity and sense. The hypothesis I should like to defend in the brief space accorded by this communication, states that globalization is the contemporary embodiment of a new or renewed economy which dominates - or is in the process of dominating - other productive patterns. The processes of transformation generated by globalization are eroding traditional institutional patterns and bringing into play a powerful social restructuring (affecting the structure of society), which in turn produces new socio-political mobilizations and encourages the appearance of social movements bearing new values. Amongst these, I am interested in those social movements with a greater capacity for producing collective identities and transforming values in society, in order to find out whether they contain the seeds of new personal and collective identities.




Author(s): Brian Doherty 

Most studies of social movement networks examine them at a particular moment in time. Indeed the network method is necessarily based on fixing relationships at a particular moment. In contrast, this paper examines the evolution of groups using direct action in Manchester, Oxford and North Wales over the past thirty years. Drawing from a rich set of enthographic data the paper examines the ideological framework shared by left-wing and anarchistic groups involved in direct action in each area. Continuities are explored through analysis of interpersonal ties between activists from different generations and change is explored through evidence of changes in movement frames, practices and repertoires. The authors argue that the processes of evolution can be analysed as a process of collective learning across distinct political generations. These processes have built capacity for direct action which helps to explain its resurgence in recent years. Local activist communities cut across the usual boundaries between movements such as the women's, peace and green movements and are best defined by analysis of patterns of involvement by particular social groups in a series of campaigns over time. Thus the local activist community provides a qualification to approaches to movements based on particular identities or issues such as feminism, environmentalism or pacifism. Our paper will provide evidence to supplement the existing studies of multiple activist involvements, but based on radical groups who have rarely been the subject of systematic study. We also show that such groups often have more ties to activists in more conventional groups such as local community groups and political parties than is often assumed. While the emphasis of the paper is on charting internal evolution, these have to be weighed against national and global factors. Inter alia, we show the increased intensity and regularity of international contacts by activists in these three communities and the increased importance of global institutions as targets of protest action.




Author(s): Carlo Ruzza and Emanuela Bozzini 

On the basis of questionnaire data and a documentary analysis of movement organizations participating to a large peace rally which took place in Italy in February 2003 on the eve of military intervention in Iraq, this paper argues that the recent movement coalition reveals and articulates emerging trends in the transformation of the dominant ideologies supporting peace activism. We argue that these ideologies contain contrasting and partly innovative conceptions of community. Three main conceptions of community are seen as emerging, which are characterised by a different role of the territory: (1) One is a cosmopolitan non-territorial conception. (2) The second is a territorial, mainly European conception where the territorial boundaries are expanded and re-defined. (3) The third emphasises the local dimension. As corollary of these views we witness an emerging Anti-Americanism, which also related to more general anti-American sentiments diffusing in the European population at large. Anti-americanism has a strategic value for the movement. In this light the paper considers anti-Americanism as an emerging cultural opportunity with which to address the decline of other movements' opportunities and promote social movements cross-sectoral alliances.




Author(s): Carlos Rafael Rea Rodríguez

La nocion de marco ha ganado un lugar privilegiado en el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Sin embargo, las perspectivas que incorporan esta noción lo hacen de maneras sensiblemente diferentes. Por mi parte, propondré que en los marcos intervienen lógicas diversas: de mayor o menor peso estratégico o reactivo, de mayor o menor peso reflexivo o adaptativo, con mayor o menor nivel de estructuración. Como principio central de su (re)producción y transformación partiré de la noción de enquête (indagación), reconociendo que gracias a la creciente circularidad entre acción y análisis, dicha indagación práctica incorpora cada vez más dosis mayores de estrategia, reflexividad y estructuración, sin agotar nunca, sin embargo, el problema de la incertidumbre y la contingencia. En el análisis de las condiciones de posibilidad y de eficacia de los marcos reconoceré el nivel de los las oportunidades políticas, de los recursos organizacionales y del horizonte cultural pertinente, pero añadiré -siguiendo la clave etnometodológica- el nivel gramatical definido por el dispositivo institucional invocado por la categorización del problema en cuestión. En ese mismo sentido, propondré cuál es el tipo de vínculo entre la noción de marco y los registros touraineanos de la autoproducción social (historicidad, sistema político y nivel organizacional). Esta formulación sobre los marcos, la habré de hilvanar a partir del análisis del movimiento El Barzón, que junto con el EZLN constituye una de las experiencias de acción colectiva más significativas en la última década en México. Se trata de un movimiento compuesto por sectores medios productivos y de servicios que cayeron en cartera vencida y que sufrieron la embestida de la banca privada y pública para embargar y rematar sus bienes a fin de resarcir los créditos no rembolsados. El Barzón nació en el campo y rápidamente abarcó también a los deudores urbanos. Sus reivindicaciones pasaron en poco tiempo de la defensa de los bienes de los deudores a la lucha por la definición de una nueva política económica nacional y de una cultura jurídica ciudadana. Actualmente promueve la creación de la Confederación Lationoamericana de Deudores y Ahorradores de la Banca y es pieza clave en las movilizaciones campesinas de los dos últimos meses en México.




Author(s): Celia Valiente

Since the mid-1960s prostitution policy in Spain was basically abolitionist. Prostitution was not defined as a crime. Behaviors related to prostitution, such as promoting the prostitution of others or benefitting from it were considered crimes. Since 1995, the central state has decriminalized most behaviors related to prostitution. Prostitution policy has increasingly focused on the fight against trafficking women with the purpose of sexually exploiting them. This paper documents the modest role played by the women's movement and gender-equality institutions in the parliamentary debates that preceded the making of the main pieces of legislation on prostitution in post-authoritarian Spain. Two reasons seem to explain this weak intervention of the movement and gender equality institutions: the low priority given to prostitution by both actors; and the low permeability of Parliament to influences by external agents.




Author(s): Chad Alan Goldberg

First, this article criticizes existing explanations for the demobilization of the Workers Alliance of America from 1938 to 1941, which emphasize economic recovery, co-optation, class repression, or psychological expressivism. Second, it provides a better account, which shows how struggles over classificatory schemes contributed crucially to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. Third, it specifies two generalizable social mechanisms through which classificatory schemes were contested: criteria shifting by moral entrepreneurs and in-group purification by those who had been politically stigmatized. Fourth, it uses this case to develop a better sociological understanding of the New Deal, social movements, and welfare state development.




Author(s): Chris Gilleard 

Later life has become a more ambiguous period within the life course and subject to increasingly complex vertical and horizontal divisions based upon class, cohort, gender and generation. This paper considers the relevance of lifestyle politics to enabling later life to become a richer social cultural and material period of life; in particular we examine the scope for an identity politics based upon positively reframing spoiled identities [glad to be gray?]; versus the scope for an issue based politics mobilising significant sections of the retired 'community' around issues that particularly affect them. Historically, the collective representations of 'pensioners' in the early and mid twentieth century were part of the development of the welfare state as reflected in the 'right' to security in old age. These movements pre-dated 1960s lifestyle politics: subsequent gray movements have been less and less successful. Standing out for one's rights, we argue, has become a much less meaningful community forming strategy, for most retired people and may increasingly be replaced by one based upon standing up for one's rights as part of wider communities of interest.




Author(s): Christopher Rootes

Britain has an unusually large and organizationally diverse environmental movement. To produce an organization-centred overview of the movement at the beginning of the millenium, this paper draws on the publications and internal documents of British environmental movement organizations (EMOs), a survey of over 100 national EMOs (conducted as part of the TEA [Transformation of Environmental Activism] project), and interviews with more than 20 senior personnel of five of the most important EMOs, as well as interviews with activists in newer and more radical groups. The movement is still growing in terms both of numbers of EMOs and their supporters. A core of frequently interacting EMOs constitutes a relatively dense network, and there is a self-conscious and essentially cooperative division of labours among EMOs. Of particular interest are the relationships between established campaigning EMOs such as Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth and older conservation groups, the newer, more radical groups, and local groups. These relationships are sources of creative tension and dynamism within the movement, as are EMOs' developing transnational links and their efforts to address international agenda. The development of the movement is the product of increasing global concern about the environment, but the character of British EMOs and relationships among them have been shaped by the responses of EMOs to the opportunities and constraints presented by changing national political conditions, as EMOs struggle to reconcile the competing demands of effectively pursuing their environmental goals whilst maintaining their popular support.




Author(s): Estrella Gualda Caballero

In this paper are described the activities and collective actions of "Parque Moret" Platform in order to achieve its main objective: the detention of Parque Moret' urban development and the public revitalization of this area. The Platform refused the housing development which were being planned by the city hall at the nineties. In eight years' time the Platform got its objectives and even a Prize from the City of Huelva (2003) (Andalusia - Spain). This case clearly shows that in the way from the initial steps (in the eighties) to the Prize took part different actors: individual and collective. There was a complex process influenced by historical, political, socioeconomic, cultural and environmental factors.




Author(s): Fabio de Nardis

A new collective actor has arised in the world political scenario. It is neither a party nor a complex organization, but a movement, a liquid aggregate of groups, associations, networks and individuals that pursue common ideals and issues by producing a common sense of solidarity. By using some data from a survey carried on during the European Social Forum (Florence, 2002), the paper aims to highlight some questions to submit to social scientist's attention. What relation exists between young people participating in the movement and the complex phenomenon of globalization? What relation with the territorial dimension of collective action? How do they perceive themselves in the local/global axis? Which are their opinion about violent practises of conflict? Through the analysis of their opinions it emerges a hostile attitude towards the non-democratic nature of the main supranational institutions but also a general trust in the UN and the European Union, considered as good embankments against global capital and war. They propose new life styles and new forms of political participation. Their democratic discussions in local social forum, everywhere around the world, show a positive attitude toward a democratic deliberative practise from small community to transnational dimension of political contentious. They do not contest the existence of traditional political institution but pursue their reform in a democratic way also through the conscious activity of a 'glocal' civil society that can redefine the boundaries of the "political".




Author(s): Fiona Devine and John Roberts

Contrary to Putnam's claims about the decline of social capital, there is growing evidence across Europe that shows membership and involvement in a wide array of formal voluntary association and informal voluntary activities remains high. A key issue yet to be fully addressed, however, is how do people come to be members and activists in associations in the first place? Surely, some resources or social capital are required to facilitate people's involvement in group life? Where does it come from? What are the processes of mobilization? Do people self-initiate or do groups mobilize people. This paper draws on the findings of a qualitative study of 120 activists drawn from the Citizens Audit, a nationally representative survey of nearly 10,000 people, in Britain in 2001. Across a range of voluntary activities, the empirical material suggests that networks of informal contacts in people local communities - including family, neighbours and friends - are very important in enticing people into association life. Once involved in group activities, formal processes - by which existing activists seek to recruit to the core - become significant in increasing the time and effort spend on voluntary activities. Accordingly, voluntary work of various kinds becomes a way of life.




Author(s): Francisco Entrena

Andalusia is an extensive region located in the south of Spain that during centuries has had a very unbalanced distribution of the land property. This has historically been cause of an unceasing social unrest and mobilizations claiming the land, which reached its peak from the last decades of the 19th to the first third of the 20th century. The imbalances in the land allocation continue, but it is necessary to add other new disparities to these, in such a way that a considerable socio-territorial diversification of the inequalities and a growing complexity of the regional social structure are being our-days observed. This structure has become more and more complex and differentiated in a context of upward modernization and globalization. In these circumstances, the imbalances in the land distribution are no longer unavoidable causes of violent social clashes, but rather, on the contrary, there is a considerable degree of social stability in Andalusia. The conflicts and mobilizations, which certainly continue being experienced in the region, are due to some more varied causes that just to the land distribution, what is in consonance with the fact that a pluralism of oppositions and disputes is being observed. These oppositions and disputes are often solved through the institutionalized ways that the current sociopolitical system provides for it. Why the traditional inequalities gave rise to a persistent social instability and why, contrary to it, don't the current inequalities prevent that Andalusia shows today a considerable degree of social peace? Finding answers for this question is one of the main objectives of this paper. The thesis sustained is that, to a great extent, the inequalities have stopped to be unavoidable causes of violent social conflicts because the process of transit from a traditional agrarian society to another relatively modern one has given place to deep transformations in Andalusia. And, these transformations, in turn, have brought about a decisive modification in the characteristics of the regional inequalities and in the socioeconomic scenario in which the production and reproduction of them is undergone. This scenario has passed from operating as a relatively narrow local environment to be more and more glocalized or linked to globalization.




Author(s): Francisco Linares Martínez

En esta comunicación se realiza un estudio de la movilización emprendida por los vecinos de Llano del Beal (Cartagena, España), entre 1987 y 1991, defendiendo su calidad de vida en pugna con los intereses de la industria minera de la comarca. El análisis, sostenido sobre datos cualitativos procedentes de entrevistas y documentos, se fundamenta en el paradigma olsoniano de la acción colectiva. Se argumenta que dicho paradigma se ha hallado sometido a lo que puede calificarse como dictadura del dilema del prisionero, y se demuestra cómo diversas lógicas (celosos, hipócritas, halcones) guiaron la acción colectiva en Llano del Beal, sorteando los diversos dilemas de la acción colectiva. Se ilustra como estas lógicas propiciaronla emergencia de normas sociales que, junto con un singular proceso de liderazgo, permitieron evitar el tan mentado problema del free rider. Finalmente, las conclusiones de este estudio empírico se emplean para apuntar algunas reflexiones sobre la teoría de la acción colectiva.




Author(s): Gloria García Navarro

THOUSANDS of computer owners fired up their modems for an assault. From unseen corners of the globe they converged on a single Web site - to overload it. Though the media portrays hackers as destructive intruders, some individuals and groups - known as hacktivists - are openly committing online forms of protest in the service of political and social causes. These protests might consist of a symbolic, mass visit to a Web page - an action that, with enough participants, would make the targeted page inaccessible to others - or they might involve more invasive monkey-wrenching, the disabling of the Web site's underlying technology. Others are aimed at bypassing government restrictions that protesters see as unfair. Fusing their passions with their technology, hacktivists are using the power of the Internet to foster new forms of social protest. This, in turn, is leading to a new mode of conflict- "netwar"-in which the protagonists depend on using network forms of organization, doctrine, strategy, and technology. For example, The Zapatista movement in Mexico provides a seminal case of "social netwar". The information revolution is leading to the rise of network forms of organization, whereby small, previously isolated groups can communicate, link up, and conduct coordinated joint actions as never before. This communication examines the rise of this netwar, the information-age behaviors that characterize it (e.g., use of the Internet), the chronology of this movement, and some analyses an example: The Chinese case.




Author(s): Iñaki Barcena

This paper is an attempt to evaluate the organisational changes that have occurred in the Basque Ecologist Movement (BEM) from its origin until the present day, as well as the most striking aspects of its environmental discourse. And also to evaluate the extent to which the Basque national conflict - cleavage - is the referential axis that is pushing the politically sceptical towards localism, thus forming an axis that is giving rise to debates and realignments within the BEM. In addition to the debate over this possible delay, a relevant fact about the Basque case is that since the mid-1970s environmental policy and ecologist mobilisations - at least during certain periods or campaigns (the Lemoiz nuclear power station, NATO, the Leizaran motorway, the Itoiz reservoir, the Bilbao incinerator, the High Speed Train...) - have had a high profile in the mass media and on the Basque political agenda. In spite of this, the most important and best-known international ecologist networks and organisations (Greenpeace, WWF, FoE, BirdLife...) have only had a limited or scarce relevance in Euskal Herria. As in other European countries, organisational changes, together with changes in discourse and forms of mobilisation, can be observed in Euskal Herria (Basque Country) in the 1990s. This leads us to reflect on the characteristics of such changes, their novelty and basis. These are some of the hypotheses with which we propose to study the changing organisational spectrum of the BEM in its development over the last three decades.




Author(s): Irina A. Khaliy 

The paper will presents the results of a decade researches of the Department on Strategic Planning and Public Policy of the Institute of Sociology headed by the author.It consists the reasons for movements' emergence at the very beginning of Russian transformations at the end of 80 and beginning of 90-ies years. What movements were the first to emerge and why, what were the resources at their disposal, and what kind of them were mobilized - that are the main issues for analysis of first stage of movements' development. The second stage of their development took place during Yeltsin period of being the President of Russia. The first reason of strong movements' development was the fact that state policy was turned to supporting of civil society emergence in our country. The other reason was the fact that the state itself was unable to solve a number of social problems faces Russian society and concrete communities. The last period of movement development started from 2000 when V. Putin became the President. The state tried to continue the institutionalization of the NGOs. The cooperation between state structures and NGOs was proclaimed as a modern policy. But both sides met with great problems on the way to work out a consensus on many urgent social problems. Therefore, state structures tried to keep connection only with conventional NGOs. Key questions of the paper: are Russian NGOs engaged in ongoing reforms, and what is their role in it?




Author(s): Isabelle Bédoyan, Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave

Since the WTO meeting in Seattle in 1999 almost every summit of international organizations has led to street mobilizations. Recently also the European Union has become an important target of this diverse transnational network of different civil organizations and movements. So far, little is known about the participants of these protest demonstrations and the way they are mobilized. By means of a large survey conducted under protesters from all over Europe during the anti-globalist manifestation against the EU summit at Laken (Belgium), we will try to unveil the (transnational) mobilization process of the anti-globalization movement. Special attention will be devoted to the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the European context. How did the anti globalization movement(s) managed to overcome this obstacles while other movements only succeed to coordinate collective action on a national level? Furthermore we will look at the impact these difficulties have on the motivation and profile of foreign versus local protesters. Are foreign protesters more fervent protesters than the local participants and do they take a stronger stance towards their protest actions and globalization? Finally we speculate on the future possibilities of this movement and transnational collective action in general.




Author(s): Israel Rodríguez Giralt, Miquel Domènech, Francisco Tirado and Daniel Gómez

Nowadays there is a considerable degree of awareness of the impact of technological innovation on the social organisation of modern society. In the last two decades, the need to analyse and evaluate technological and scientific innovations, and the cultural and social changes they lead to, in a global, integrative fashion, has been underlined from different points of view -academic, political, technological and socio-cultural. Among such innovations we have the wide range of what are called information and communications technologies, or ICT. ICT are often seen as important stepping stones towards creating new forms of economic, social and cultural activity (e-commerce, distance education, shared knowledge, etc), as well as new forms of social organisation (for example in the spheres of work, institutions, education and also as regards new forms of social relationship, as is the case with virtual communities). Often, however, the speed of change is, or can be, a barrier to detailed, long-term analysis of the implications of this process of virtualisation in social and cultural change. Proof of this is the lack of interest such things have awoken as far as processes of social change are concerned, such as changes brought about by approval of political, social and cultural projects with the express object of social change. We are concerned, clearly, with communities and protest organisations, with the! emergence of new concerns and demands as well as with the changes established social movements have seen with the appearance of what we call ICT. Thus, although there is a growing body of research systematically being applied to the impact of ICT on social and cultural change, this paper aims to fill some of the gaps and omissions in such research. The result of work over time, the present text puts forward analysis on the affects these new technologies have on the processes of social change and, in particular, analyses the role of virtualisation in the field of what we call social movements. We look particularly at the changes from the point of view of transitions and changes affecting organisation, action and the production of knowledge in a social movement like that concerned with ecology. From analysis of an ecological issue in Spain, we look at the role of ICT in the dynamics of protest, mobilisation, organisation, the production of knowledge and coordination with other organisations in the movement.




Author(s): Javier Alcalde Villacampa

Under what conditions or to what extent do transnational social movements and non-governmental actors in international society succeed in forming institutional arrangements or regimes to cope with some transboundary problems, but fail to do so in connection with other, seemingly, similar problems? How can these actors with small material resources can achieve the adoption of treaties against important economic interests? From this research question, I develop a proposal which focuses on the need to distinguish into the different campaigns in order to develop specific mechanisms that use these actors to change international regimes. A typology of transnational campaigns should include these dimensions: a) Sucess: a. Grade of success (declaration, convention, firm, ratification) or non-success. b. Type or regime (open, conditionally open, restricted, no regime) b) Nature of issue/policy problem: a. Field (peace, environment, women, human rights, gays and lesbians…) b. Public/private goods (against corporations or official institutions) c. Focused mainly on Third World countries/every country d. Single issued/composed (eg. anti-nuclear or anti-globalisation campaign) e. Rational choice distinction among coordination and cooperation games c) Actors and target characteristics: a. Amount of resources available (material and moral ones) b. Type of distribution of states or coalitions in favour, against or neutral c. Grade of vulnerability of the target to pressions d) Timing: a. Duration of the Campaign b. Historical moment of the Campaign e) Strategies: a. Insider vs. outsider: The main strategy can consists on "insider" working connections with those in government to bring about a policy shift, or on "outsider" mobilizing public opinion to pressure for a policy change. b. Use of communicative process (framing, shaming, arguing and learning) f) Grades of popularity of the issue g) Grades of strength of the winning coalition h) Grades of compliance mechanisms available (supposing difficulties in the monitoring) Reckoning from this typology, a researcher should be able to know the size of the sample in every possible issue-area, in order to develop a reasonable comparison. The objective, then, is to be able to identify which issues are comparable and which ones should be excluded of a research, specifically in the success/failure dimension or scale.




Author(s): Jillian Schwedler

Marches and other forms of public protests are among the more highly visible demonstrations of ethnic, religious, and sectarian divides. While strategies of policing protest often illustrate state actors' desire to suppress these activities, certain policing techniques may actually serve as mechanisms for exacerbating ethnic divides. In the current political climate, the Palestinian-Jordanian divide is again at the center of domestic conflict. By examining protest activities and how they have been policed from the early-1990s to the present, I will explore several related questions: 1) Is there a strong empirical base for the argument that certain policing techniques exacerbate ethnic conflict? 2) What is the variation of such policing techniques across the various security agencies that monitor protest events in Jordan? 3) Where policing techniques do exacerbate ethnic conflicts, is this behavior purposeful? That is, do state actors intend for the policing to contribute to ethnic divides, or are these techniques more the product of local logics, stemming from on-the-ground decisions and the biases of officers and their immediate supervisors? And finally, 4) are patterns in both protest activity and policing in Jordan related to the waxing and waning of the conflict in neighboring Israeli-Palestinian conflict? This paper will be based on original field research conducted in Jordan in May-June 2002 and Spring 2003.




Author(s): José Lopez Rey, Mar Chaves and Ramón Fernández

The percolation is the process for which the water soaks the earth. It is a natural process that acts by the force of the gravity. In this document we present the concept of cultural percolation to explain how the values of the market soak the culture of the Third Sector "naturally", by the hegemony that the mercantile culture has in the society. The relational theory of the society defends a logic and a specific culture of the Third Sector, in opposition to the public sector culture, the market or entrepreneurial culture and the private-affective space. But many Non-Governmental Organizations negotiate their human resources with approaches different to those of the solidarity and, in general, they use methods characteristic of enterprises to get their objectives. But not others. We study the Spanish Non-Governmental Organizations for Development (NGOD) case. We have been used qualitative and quantitative techniques to know the most outstanding factors in the acceptance or rejection to the market values on the part of the workers and managers of the NGOD and for the own organizations.




Author(s): Juan José Villalón Ogáyar

This paper argues that the social movements analysis is crucial when we research third sector, and the third sector analysis is useful if we study social movements today. The first type of cross-fertilization helps to understand which is the voluntaree rol in a society. The second helps to understand social movements like a collective action developed in several social spaces but with different appearance in each one. Nevertheless, if we want to understand what third sector and volunteer mean we have to ask who define this social space and this social institution. To answer this question, we need to explore social movements that try to build the rol of volunteer today. I have observed two social movements in third sector in Spain. One says the voluntaree has a political rol and the other answers negatively. Each point of view moves to different actions. So nowadays, voluntaree rol in a society depends on the social movement that rules in each NGOs. of third sector. Moreover, if we want to know social movements in Spain then we must study the different social space where they can develope their actions. I have found that frames of third sector social movements are connected to different actors´ point of view from other social spaces like political or economic. So, we can find similar referencial frames in each social space where some people play an active citizenship rol and others play a passive one. This is a principal analitical axis in our days in third sector in Spain and in other social spaces.




Author(s): Kayhan Delibas 

This article questions the categorisation of Islamic fundamentalism as an appropriate label for Islamist movements. Since the late 1970s the spectacular rise of Islamic movements across the Muslim world has been the subject meter of a growing academic literature. But the September 11 atrocities to the World Trade Centre has brought the issue of Islam in general and Islamic movements more specifically on the focus of world media and academic discussions in an unforeseen scale. A lot have been said and written on, however, not only the majority of media reports but majority of academic discussions focusing on the wrong directions. I argue that there has been a problem with the diagnoses of the nature, and grasping the conditions in which Islamic movements emerged and become popular. It seems an exploration of such movements has become particularly important in light of the event of 11th September. Much of the literature views these movements as either a threat to the West, an anti- modern, or as a postmodern condition. None of those approaches, I argue, are accurately addresses the problem. Sociological analyses suggests that these movements rises not solely on the religious grounds or based on the 'hatred of the Western civilization' as often claimed since the September 11, but as a respond to divers socio-economic conditions that being worsened by rapid urbanisation and globalisation process in many Muslim countries.




Author(s): Ken Jones and Frazana Shain

This paper is concerned with the ways in which different aspects of globalisation impact upon the trade union activity of teachers in England. Its main contention is that attempts at state restructuring embodied in New Public Management (NPM), and the challenges posed by international politics including the politics of migration have created new agendas for teacher trade unionism. These agendas are particularly visible in the new 'social movement unionism' of organisations like SUD-Education in France, and Cobas-Scuola in Italy, which are centrally and explicitly concerned with resisting both the effects of NPM and state policy towards sans papiers and other marginalised groups. Drawing on the initial phases of research with teacher activists in England, we argue that what is true of them is equally true of our sample of teacher union activists, who, drawing from intellectual, cultural and organisational resources developed over a long period since the 1970s, seek to develop a teacher unionism adequate to the challenges of new policy and management agendas. We base our approach on the insights offered by Bourdieu (1998) who argues that the transformations effected by 'neo-liberalism' have given rise to a counter-movement among opponents of various kinds, that has expressed itself both through political action and discursively. This counter-movement is to an important extent based in the public sector, where it has come to defend values and practices inimical to those promoted by current policy agendas. In seeking to explore the nature and extent of this opposition, we draw on the work of social movement theorists who define social movements as not only ' collective challenges to existing arrangements of power and distribution by people with common purposes and solidarity, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents and authorities.' (Meyer and Tarrow 1998) but also as 'forms of activity by which individuals create new kinds of social identity' and produce new or 'heretical' forms of knowledge (Eyerman and Jamison 1991). Our focus then, is not only on questions of policy and organisation, but also on questions of cultural practice, including belief, motivation and commitment. We argue that the work of teacher activists can usefully be seen as the production of meaning as well as the organisation of activity and can therefore be re-described and analysed from a social movement perspective.




Author(s): Kerman Calvo

The paper will focus on gay and lesbian mobilization in Spain, France, United Kingdom and North America during the past three decades. The aim will be to understand the role of diffusion, learning and imitation in the evolution of these social movements. The gay and lesbian movement displays remarkable similarities world-wide. Notwithstanding domestic particularities, virtually every western gay and lesbian movement has followed an identical evolution, with a parallel transformation in the discourse, aims and even in the modes of protest. Departing from gay and lesbian liberation, all gay and lesbian movements across the world are enthusiastically embracing identity politics, even in countries, like France, where the political culture is overtly at odds against claims grounded on particularistic collective identities. I think that a lot more can be said about how imitation, diffusion and learning affect the life-course of social movements in general, and the gay and lesbian movement in particular. We need to know, for instance, how much the permeability towards external influences is affected by the position within the cycle of protest. Also, we need to know how these processes actually work, by conceptualising the mechanisms that connect the "market of ideas" and changes in domestic settings. In doing that, I will pay special attention to the role of movement leaders in importing, adapting and shaping ideas coming from abroad. The paper will make use of my own original data on the Spanish and the British gay and lesbian movement, together with existing secondary work on the American and the French ones.




Author(s): Krista M. Brumley

What is the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in contentious politics? How do they facilitate and expand citizen participation in the political process in Mexico? Using data from in-depth interviews of directors and members from 20 NGOs and participant observations, I answer these questions with respect to collective mobilization in one Mexican city in a country whose political and economic terrain has undergone dramatic changes in the past two decades. Specifically, this paper elucidates two major themes: (1) the strategies and tactics of the NGOs, including coalition building with other organizations and (2) the types of citizenship demands of the organizations, to whom do they make the demands, and what social groups do they claim to represent. My analysis suggests that rather than traditional, radical strategies of mobilization, NGOs in Monterrey are developing alliance networks and unique ways to confront various inequalities because of the culture of conservativeness that characterizes the city. Despite the diversity of NGOs based on identity, citizenship demand, and organizational form, I argue these organizations are challenging what should be included in the political arena as well as confronting traditional notions of political participation and citizenship. The degree of visibility of the NGOs varies considerably, however, I illustrate in this paper that while large-scale structural change remains a distant goal, they are undoubtedly impacting local politics.




Author(s): Lorenzo Bosi

This paper proposes to analyse, in two main parts, the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) in Northern Ireland and its long-term political legacy. In the first part, the CRM is considered as a New Social Movement, therefore belonging to a wider 'family' of movements which mobilised in a number of Western countries between the late 1960s and 1970s, when the conventional mechanisms of democratic participation appeared to provide insufficient means to channel the new claims and issues promoted by these movements. The CRM is considered as new social movement given the way in which it differed to previous social mobilisations in a number of ways. Plurality of ideas, values and social statues appeared to supersede the 'old' ideology and traditional class based identification, with the appearance of new, or previously weak, dimensions of identity, personal interest and intimate parts of human existence, use of direct action strategy, and fluid network structure, which was characterised by a polycephalous, segmented and reticular web comprised a variation of actors. The paper, however, goes beyond an analysis of the CRM as a new social movement struggling for change of political institutions and political culture. For the second part of the thesis will assess the long-term effect of the CRM in Northern Ireland. While considering important and arguably 'revolutionary' long-term effects of new social movements such as the CRM, the paper also looks to emphasise that the CRM carried out an intense struggle over meanings, aiming to influence public policy in order to improve Northern Ireland institutions and political culture. In particular, I focus on the process of institutionalisation of the CRM as well as on changes in the mass media, electoral politics and formal political agenda in Northern Ireland. Though the thesis relates specifically to Northern Ireland, nevertheless, the arguments and models employed may be generalised so as to apply beyond the specific case-study of analysis. Further the long-term perspective allows for the consideration of any legacy which the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland has bequeathed to contemporary Peace Process.




Author(s): Magnus Ring

This paper discusses the changing role of the Swedish environmental organisations in the light of the institutionalisation of the Swedish environmental movement. Informed by previous research regarding the role of the major environmental NGOs in the implementation of Agenda 21 in Sweden, the paper exemplifies new patterns of environmental action taking place within the frames of governmental institutions. These and other forms of action are defined using the term ecological transformation in a broad sense, understood as a wide-ranging cluster of ideas and activities seen as specific ongoing social process within distinct societal domains. Empirically informed by interviews the paper will go on to point out a certain pattern of activist behaviour conducted by the main environmental NGO’s, a behaviour that is focusing on informing and influencing politicians and bureaucrats by means of lobbyism and written reports, as well as more indirect forms of political and cultural pressure. 
The paper also in a more overarching way present the different main Swedish environmental organisations in the Swedish society in general and discuss their role of in relationship to environmental governmental policy. Pointing out certain historical phases of environmentalism the paper tries to show how Swedish environmental movement organisation’s characteristics today are rooted in a national tradition of interaction between social movements and the state. The changing and adjusted strategies of the organisations themselves are thus seen as linked to this specific historically rooted relationship between social movement organisations in general and the Swedish governmental apparatus. 
The paper ends with a discussion of the contemporary situation in terms of a division of different “roles” within the range of the established EMOs and how the developments discussed might be linked to new areas and actors of somewhat more radical environmental protest.




Author(s): Magnus Wennerhag

Considering contemporary power structures, it can be noticed how the former nation state nexus of political and economic processes, is transformed into structures where the global level has supremacy over the nation state. This also affects the role of social movements, hitherto primarily operating within the nation state framework, but now becoming subjects for a more global power structure as well as developing a subjectivity directed to the globally working institutions (such as the WTO, IMF, G8, and so on). The former mediation between "the people" and the State, channeled through a nation-bound civil society (with a large importance for parties and social movements), can thus be considered as weakening. In the paper I am operating with the concept of the State in a wider sense (Hardt and Negri, 2000), and elaborating the thesis of the withering of civil society (Hardt and Negri, 2000; Castells, 1996). I compare the interplay between state and movements during two different phases of social movement mobilization, by looking at two important movement events in Sweden. The first is the violent protests against a tennis match played between Sweden and Rhodesia in Båstad 1968, and the second the violent protests occurring during the counter demonstrations in Gothenburg 2001, directed towards the EU summit meeting being held there. I investigate whether the role of the parties, social movements, state and civil society in some way have changed, between these different points in time, or if there are continuities and similarities connecting the different mobilizations.






Author(s): Manuel Jiménez

During the 1990s Spanish environmental policy has evolved from a predominantly reactive (non-decision) approach towards a sectoral or managerial approach to environmental problems. The most obvious force propelling the incorporation of the environment into the state agenda has been Spain's entry into the European Community in 1986 and the transposition, since then, of a comprehensive set of EU environmental legislation. However, this normative development has not been paralleled by the necessary political will or enforcement capacity, with the result that the law has often gone unapplied. Associated with this process, environmental groups have expanded their activities to new issues and new arenas in the policy process. Not without resistance, they have been increasingly recognised as legitimate interlocutors for the environment, and have gained some political influence. However new opportunities for environmentalists have not been consolidated and access to the polity (and policy influence) has proved to be uneven and politically contingent. The early 1990s also saw increased environmental awareness among Spaniards as well as the expansion of a variety of environmental movement organisations (EMOs) that have enjoyed social recognition and support. However this membership growth has had an uneven and, in balance, modest impact on the environmental movement as a whole. In a favourable conjuncture, chronically poorly-founded environmental groups lacked the resources (and the disposition) to expand their social presence and to strenght their organisational infrastructure at the national level. In this context, in the second half of the 1990s a generalised feeling of frustration spread among environmentalists. This kind of perceptions seems to be behind many recent organisational developments within the environmental movement. After a short history of the environmental movement in Spain, the paper identifies the main features of environmental groups in the 1990s (issues, organisational profile, movement structure, forms of action, etc.) as well as the most recent developments. These organisational features and trends are analysed in relation to the above mentioned political and social context and the way that groups have perceived and reacted to them. The paper draws on empirical information obtained through two different surveys and interviews with EMOs conducted in early 1997 and 1999, the analysis of a protest event dataset drawn from El País for the period 1988-1997, and internal documents of the organisations themselves.




Author(s): Maria Kousis

This paper will provide a) a short history on the development and differentiation of environmental organizations in Greece, most of which were founded in the last two decades, b) the issues they focus upon, c) their organizational profiles, and d) the forms of action they use. It will proceed to offer a typology of ENGOs in Greece as well as an interpretation of their account on the basis of the political, economic and discursive opportunities. ENGOs are scattered all over Greece, with higher concentration in the central part (where Athens is located). Although a wide range of fields of action is apparent, the majority of these environmental organisations (70%) are active in environmental education activities. Their preservation/conservation interests along with animal welfare also appear to supersede over most other issues. Variation exists also as regards the actions carried out by the organisations. The data show that in general, intense or disturbance oriented actions occur less often than routine oriented ones - such as press conference, or petitions. More typical action forms are litigation, lobbying, noncommercial positive action, scientific reports, cultural performances, press conferences and signatures/petitions/resolutions/public letters. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches are applied. A systematic overview of 101 environmental organizations across Greece is provided through data from returned, mailed questionnaires. The quantitative data account is supplemented by a qualitative presentation of six selected organizations representing a variety of major Athens-based ENGOs. Data on these come from in-depth interviews as well as archival material provided by the organizations themselves. The analysis will concentrate on comparisons between these as well as their evolution through time.




Author(s): Maria Madalena Duarte

New social movements are increasingly using diversified and innovative ways of protest in their struggles. If many movements don't go beyond public demonstrations in their protest, which appeal strongly to the media, others find formal institutionalization a fundamental way both to protest and to solve problems. In this context, the law, as well as courts, are increasingly becoming useful tools that can go beyond traditional representative democracy mechanisms, allowing social movements to develop strategies of legal and political action reinforcing their identities as political actors. In semi-peripheral countries, such as Portugal, certain sections of society are beginning to demand judicial response to traditionally political issues. This is particularly clear for the so-called new social movements, whose claims regard public interests (consumer protection, environmental, ethnic and sexual rights issues), which require effective and progressive juridical protection. In this regard, traditionally conservative courts are becoming instruments of civic and political participation, allowing the movements to believe that achieving their rights is possible. Addressing the new social movements' ways of protest, this paper intends, through the analysis of some empirical investigations, to draw a profile of those that reveal juridical strategies (national and/or global) in their struggle, and the reasons why others ignore the law as an instrument of participation. Simultaneously, one discusses if law can be used as an instrument of social emancipation in these struggles, and promote citizenship and participatory democracy, or if it remains mostly a hegemonic form of social regulation, counterproductive for the social movements that recur to it.




Author(s): Mariella Nocenzi

In the last years, the "elettrosmog case" has pointed out a new formula for the processes of policy making, scientific assessment, information network, but, above all, the citizenship setting and action that could refresh theories and outlines until now proposed about the governance in social risk. The analysis starts from the concept of "incommensurability" to study this emblematic case of the more and more numerous social problems which co-exist a difficult agenda setting in cognitive and formative interventions, the social actors' tentation to defend own interests and the complex application of rational models to plan the conflicts in. These intractable controversies characterize a governance process that is limited, discontinous, but that pointed out the "bottom voice" as an input for the institutions to prevent a future danger. This is based on a sense of responsibility, long-terms planning, multidisciplinary decision making, limitation to the science certainty, overcoming of the value pluralism in defence of most important common good. The data from a questionnaire poposed to Rome citizens before and during focus groups in all the districts of the city show the new model actions of the movements and their political input the governors can't more disregard. In the urban scenario these processes can't be no less complex in the interaction of policy, science, economy, media and citizens of the "big number", social scientists observe without new analysis instruments.




Author(s): Mario Diani and Derrick Purdue

In this paper we investigate patterns of civil society in two British cities. Using a sample of 288 organizations active on environmental, ethnic and minority, community, and social exclusion issues in Glasgow and Bristol, we are able to identify distinctive styles of networking or dynamics. A 'social movement dynamic' corresponds to a situation in which alliances are strongly backed by collective identity, with dense networks based on feelings of inter-group solidarity, shared memberships, and shared past experiences of collective action. Social movements do not exhaust the possible variants of civic association. Much of civil society exhibits a more instrumental and temporary 'coalition dynamic' or a yet more autonomous 'organizational dynamic'. We explore the relationships between these styles and the cleavages, connections and sectors within civil society. Another theme of the paper is whether centrality in network terms is related to effective leadership within civil society as evidenced by framing agendas for the networks. We also explore the relationship of civic networks to institutions and representation of these networks in specific institutional contexts. We found significant differences between our case studies in Glasgow and Bristol in terms of the networks, the issues that concerned them and their styles of networking. We relate these differences to the contexts, in which the networks are embedded in the two cities, including the history of social and political cleavages, and existing styles of social action.




Author(s): Mark Garavan

This paper reports a number of the findings from a three-year investigation into the Irish environmental movement. The particular focus of the paper is on the national-level environmental organisations. The results of a survey study conducted among the organisations reveals a movement characterised by a low level of material resources. This is exhibited in the limited finances mobilised by the organisations; the small number of activists involved in group activities; and the few professional staff that the organisations can employ. Though the 1990s have witnessed a marked growth in the number of new groups, the majority of these operate on the brink of survival. Irish environmental groups are structurally homogenous and generally employ a moderate repertoire of actions. They are not primarily oriented towards protest, preferring lobbying and awareness-raising as the means to pursue their objectives. While the organisations exhibit many of the symptoms of institutionalisation the chapter argues that because they provide the setting for only one dimension of activism this does not necessarily imply a co-opted or pacified wider movement. Radical activism is to be found within personal and ad hoc networks where environmentalism is lived out as a personal commitment. These forms of activism criss-cross and transcend the formal organisations and are in continual evolution. The paper concludes with a suggestion that a new direct action repertoire may in time assume greater importance than the organised dimension of the Irish environmental movement.




Author(s): Martti Muukkonen

This study aims to interpret how the mission view of the World's Alliance of YMCAs changed from aggressive evangelism to social responsibility for human beings. The study looks at this change through changes in the interpretation of the YMCA Paris Basis from 1855 to 1955.In the interpretation it is studied how the different elements in the context (economic, political, cultural and religious opportunity structures), shell (structure, leadership, membership and social objects) and core (identity, mission and ideology) influenced the change in the mission view of the World's Alliance of YMCAs 1855-1955. The key factor identified in this change was in the change of the frame on the Kingdom of God, which changed from transcendent City of God to immanent God's Creation. This, in turn, changed the policy from evangelism to international social projects like work for prisoners of war and refugees.




Author(s): Matthias Heyck

The starting point of my paper is my dissertation "We are not Greenpeace!" Environmental organisations in the region of Chemnitz<. After the fall of the Berlin wall West German environmental groups transfer their structures to the East, but this transfer falls to established structures. In my study I look after the groups in the region of Chemnitz. I will show that in the process of transformation new forms of organisation and new forms of collective action are established. One special result is significant for the groups in the former GDR: The actors want to high up their capacity (Jänicke) through capitalisation and to get financial aid, especially through job creation. The other special result is that there exists a group of non-organised individual environmentalists. The reasons for this individuals be found in the history of the GDR. For example some political actives where members of the GDR secret service called Stasi, so that they are not welcome in a political initiative. What are the consequences of this fact? It is a great danger that the retreat from the political arena, the cause of capitalisation and to use time and work to look after their poverty, for example a nature reserve, they have buy, they have no time for strong political action. It is a strategy by the government to canalise the protest of environmental groups to put them in a finance dependence, for example through job creation. These behaviour will not high up the capacity, so in my presentation I will give some recommendations to high up the capacity of environmental organisation.




Author(s): Mattias Wahlström

By presenting a study of some aspects of the communication between the police and protesters in connection with the EU-summit meeting in Copenhagen 2002, this paper will address the issue of how this kind of communication can contribute to maintaining a "democratic space" during larger manifestations of political protest. It will be inquired into: 1) the prerequisites, in terms of the protesters' past experiences and ideology, for such a communication and how these possibly influenced the actual interaction; 2) how the communication relates to the de-ecualation of violence during the protest; and 3) the protesters' experiences of their communication with the Danish police, and how these might affect future interactions. The relevance of the study, in the context of protest policing, comes from its bringing into focus the protesters' active interpretation and evaluation of the actions of the police. Apart from being a matter at the level of trust maintained between the parties,! it is argued that the outcome of the communication depends to a large part on the kind of protest performance that each group of protesters wishes to stage.




Author(s): Mike Savage, Gindo Tampubolon and Alan Warde

In this paper we use network analysis to explore ways of developing an account of the instituttional habitus of social movements. The data is drawn from network cast studies of three organisations in the north west of England - an environmental group, a branch of a local Labour Party and and a conservation group. We use this data to show that pre-existing networks are not particularly important in generating members/ Many people joined the organizations without prior contact with other members, and significant numbers joined simply as a result of media information. Differences in modes of recruitment are not related to broader socio-demographic differences between core and peripheral members. Although there are different routes into membership, this does not translate into fundamental differences between core and peripheral membership. Insofar as differences can be ascertained they are mainly to do with the individual motivations of members, their sense of efficacy, and so forth. Much of the latter part of our paper uses blockmodels to partition members according to their networks. The power of network techniques here lie in their ability to differentiate these roles in ways which allow us to see how different kinds of organizational habitus can be generated. The habitus of the environmental group is unified through managerial means, whilst that of the Labour Party branch is more decentralized and informal. However, in both cases, the habitus is relatively similar in terms of bringing together people of similar classes, ethnicities. In this respect these two cases can be seen as two routes to the same end. Because there is no strong evidence that cliques map onto any clear social dimension (and hence, do not become CATNETs, in Tilly's (1999) account, then there are unlikely to generate identities and awareness amongst members, except through identifying those who are in cores as 'especially' active because they have particular individual motivations or experiences. In this way the process of intra organizational activism can be seen as a 'natural' one which does not lead to contestation or polarization within the organization.




Author(s): Niamh Hourigan

The protest activities associated with indigenous minority language groups in Europe have been characterized as defensive reactions to globalization (Castells, 1997). This paper reviews campaigns by Welsh, Catalan, Scots Gaelic and Irish language groups for minority language television services. It is argued that these movements represent a new form of opportunism rather than a defensive reaction to spatial and economic change. Activists are seeking to take advantage of opportunities emerging at the critical juncture of socio-economic and electronic boundaries in Europe. These protest organizations are using these opportunities to change existing relationships between minority language groups, nation-states, supra-national institutions and global media systems. This paper seeks to locate these protest organizations within contemporary debates concerning the role of European social movements in contentious politics.




Author(s): Nikos Serdedakis

This paper presents an interpretation of the phenomenon of left-wing armed-struggle organizations in Greece, in the aftermath of the dismantling of the "Revolutionary Organization November 17," which has been the longest-lived terrorist organization in the European continent during the past twenty seven years. Without ever attaining the mass-movement character of other European countries, as for example in Italy during the decade from 1974-1984, left-wing armed violence in Greece proved especially enduring, while at the same time it constituted a serious issue for both the domestic and the foreign policy of the country. The activities of left-wing armed organizations in post-dictatorship Greece have not been analyzed so far as an unconventional form of political behavior and action. The prevailing analyses of this phenomenon have been "conspiracy theories," which have tended to demonize "foreign forces" or to blame the domestic political opponent that ruled at the given time. I will attempt to utilize the perspectives on political violence that have been articulated in the context of social movements theory, and to locate the phenomenon of left-wing terrorism in Greece within an understanding of the wider social processes in Greece and the particular structural characteristics of the Greek political system. Consequently, I will argue that the armed-struggle left-wing organizations in Greece emerged in the context of a wider cycle of political protest whose origins date from the early nineteen sixties. During the 1960's, this protest coalesced into a wide movement demanding the democratization of Greek society and of the Greek political system. The military dictatorship (1967-1974) violently interrupted the democratization process, while the anti-dictatorship organizations, initially at least, did not exclude the use of violence in their struggle against the junta. After the fall of the military dictatorship, and the political victory of the Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 1981, came the conclusion of the initial cycle of protest. Yet, certain organizations did not dismantle their underground organizational structure and continued to engage in violent acts against the political and economic establishment. This activity was defined as part of a wider anti-capitalist struggle, with emphasis on the incompleteness of the democratization process.




Author(s): Oleg Yanitski

Risk societies produce risk-solidarities. This paper examines the structure, process and character of risk-solidarity production and maintenance in Russia's transition society. Relying upon the secondary analysis of studies of various Russian communities and groups carried out during the period 1999-2002 (e.g. "forced entrepreneurs", image-makers, forced migrants, refugees, drug-addicts, concerned mothers of soldiers as well as concerned parents of drug-takers, racketeers, "wild ducks" and terrorist groups) the author uses a dichotomy of risk-producers and risk-consumers as the basis for building a typology of risk-solidarities ranging from offensive and even aggressive types (i.e. inclined to enforcement and violence) to defensive and altruistic formations. Terrorism is seen as an extreme form of an offensive risk-solidarity network. The common features of both types are revealed and analyzed (e.g. their forced and reactive character, the deficit of creativity and strategic thinking, indifference in relation to key problems of Russian society, their temporal and unstable character etc.). This paper argues that in Russia the polar types of risk-solidarities are interdependent and mutually penetrated. In conclusion a scale ("ladder") for the analysis of risk-solidarities is offered and substantiated.




Author(s): Olga Axenova

The paper presents the results of a research on trade unions policy implemented by the author in framework of the social movement investigation of Department on Strategic Planning and Public Policy of the Institute of Sociology. A position and role of different types of trade unions in modern Russian public policy were analyzed. Author defines three main types of modern Russian trade unions. The first type is traditional trade unions. They were working as a part of Soviet state structure implementing functions social insurance and labor protection systems. Traditional trade unions tried to re-establish this close-to-state position after USSR collapse. They have very small support of employees but they are searching for cooperation with state and company administrations. This is a main form of trade unions in modern Russia. The second type of trade unions is so called "yellow" trade unions organized by leadership of grand companies. Their main goal is a defense of company interests. The third type is alternative trade unions emerged during the 90-ies as a form of working movement. Their principal task is defense of the interests of workers. They have limited resources but they are strongly supported by employees and represent their interests on political arena. Alternative trade unions are in conflict with regional authorities, company administrations and traditional trade unions. But alternative unions activities played crucial role in strengthening of all trade unions positions in regional and federal politics.







Author(s): Radim Marada

There have been two salient yet seemingly conflicting tendencies in public engagement of social (movement) actors, over the past decade or so. On the one hand, spectacular demonstrations of protest against the dominating political-economic system have gained a new impetus with the various forms of the anti-globalization movement. On the other hand, governments as well as international political and economic bodies increasingly cooperate with institutional agents of civil society or they employ their representatives. Protest activists also look for ways how to participate more actively in conventional politics and effective decision-making processes. Among other effects, these trends have triggered discussions among the protest actors on the kinds and level of legitimate cooptation in and cooperation with institutions representing the otherwise protested world. What sorts of cooptation/cooperation can they afford without their protest loosing credibility? This dilemma also affects the concrete ways of participation in public protest among different sorts of protest actors. The paper is intended to demonstrate the relationship between the changing forms of protest actions (resulting from the first trend mentioned above) and the formation of identities of protest actors. It follows the discursive strategies employed in the given disputes among the protest actors, as well as the internal re-organization of the institutional field of protest (re-classifications of actors and institutions of protest, etc.). The Czech recent developments within the anti-globalization movement are taken as a major point of reference, yet examples will also be given from the international context.




Author(s): Rhiannon Morgan

In 1993 the U.N. Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP) completed its work on the U.N. Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The completed document contains concepts of collective rights and is a pronounced example of human rights dynamism and evolution. It also contains a right of indigenous peoples to self-determination. The indigenous movement has persistently articulated its demands in terms of self-determination, which can be understood as a 'universe of human rights precepts grounded in the idea that all are entitled to control their own destinies' (Anaya 1996: 75). Yet where indigenous peoples have viewed self-determination as a means to tear at the legacies of empire, ethnocide, and discrimination, both states and legal experts have regarded it with extreme caution, pointing to the dangers of indigenous secession implicit in the notion of self-determination. Its inclusion in the declaration therefore represents a substantial achievement and largely satisfied indigenous peoples aspirations for the document. In seeking to understand the factors contributing to this success, a number of authors have examined the facilitative conditions within the WGIP, including the relative openness of the institutional structure and the presence of elite allies (e.g. Lam 2000). Political opportunity structure is an important factor in explaining the outcomes of movement activity. However, a complete picture or protest must consider other factors, including what Jasper refers to as the 'artful creativity' of social movements (1997: 11), meaning the construction and dissemination of ideas and meanings for potential adherents, allies, or antagonists. In the following paper, I seek therefore to focus on the role of ideational elements in the WGIP process.




Author(s): Salvador Maldonado Aranda

La celebración del desfile del primero de mayo en México constituye uno de los rituales cívicos más importantes desde la instauración del corporativismo mexicano en los años cuarenta. De hecho, por varias décadas fue una ceremonia esencialmente diseñada para reafirmar la alianza entre sindicalismo oficial y Estado, aún cuando la protesta de varios sindicatos y organizaciones "transgredían" el guión público oficial. Sin embargo, desde finales de la década de los ochenta comenzó a ser desacralizada por amplios contingentes obreros oficiales y no oficiales, hasta que en 1995 dejó de realizarse en el Zócalo capitalino (sede simbólica de los poderes nacionales), trasladándose a un espacio privado para su realización, lo cual dio lugar a dos actos independientes -uno en el Zócalo y otro en espacios como el Congreso del Trabajo--, contribuyendo así a instaurar una nueva gramática del ritual político asociada a nuevas formas de protesta social. En este trabajo planteamos que el tránsito de un ritual cívico a un ritual de rebelión constituye un buen ejemplo para analizar las transformaciones que se están dando en las relaciones corporativas entre el Estado y el movimiento obrero dentro del marco de la reforma del Estado. De igual forma, argumentamos que la ceremonia oficial constituye un espacio de dramatización de dichas relaciones bajo un campo de fuerzas en que se disputan, legitiman o resisten procesos de cambio en el área sindical. La estrategia que hemos seleccionado para dar cuenta de ello consiste en escudriñar diversos significados, formas y contenidos del primero de mayo en la última década, mediante revisiones periodísticas, informes y artículos de fondo e investigación, para de esa manera, acercarnos al análisis del o los procesos de cambio ceremoniales del primero de mayo, a través de algunas interpretaciones sobre el ritual.




Author(s): Sebastian Haunss

The history of political posters is closely linked to the history of social movements. Political posters appeared as tools for mobilization for the first time during the French revolution, and until now - at least in Western European countries, but not only there - almost all social movements have relied on political posters to mobilize adherents and to propagate their causes. Especially in the new social movements after 1968 political posters have been, together with flyers, their main means of public communication. In my paper I will trace the use of political posters in different social movements of the last 30 years. Because of the specific production process of posters in these movements the imageries of these posters, in contrast to flyers or articles in movement newspapers, often reflect very directly the wishes and beliefs of the movement activist who are at the same time the designers of these posters. I will show, how these posters can give insights into the symbolic and ideational worlds of social movements in addition and sometimes beyond the scope of written texts. For my paper I will draw on a database of about 10,000 digitized (mainly German) posters from social movements covering a periode from the 1960s until now and I will present my findings with the help of slides of selected posters.




Author(s): Semi Purhonen

The paper examines one of the most visible parts of recent globalisation-critical movements in Finland, namely ATTAC, from the perspective of sociology of generations, and asks if ATTAC is a generation-based movement as it has strongly suggested in the Finnish media since the movement started in 2001. The analysis is based on the questionnaire that was directed to the members of ATTAC Finland in 2002 (N = 1096). The quantitative data consists of variables designed to allow for generational analysis. Three generational aspects are emphasised in the analysis: the members' age structure, the 'chain of generations' (i.e., the possibility that activism is inherited in terms of parents/children-axis), and generational consciousness (i.e., reflective articulations of generational belonging, 'we-sense'). After the empirical analysis the legitimacy of the interpretation of ATTAC Finland as a generational movement is assessed, and whether it is relevant at all to examine it from the perspective of sociology of generations. Moreover, reflections are made as to what kind of more general theoretical problems there are in respect to the criteria used in order to distinguish between 'ordinary' social movements and generational movements.




Author(s): Sílvia Ferreira

The role of third sector organizations providing welfare goods and services is too often evaluated on the sole economic perspective. In trying to reduce the state role on the direct provision of social goods and services these organizations are often regarded simply as subcontractors of the state. On the other hand, the "materialistic" and "institutionalized" character of these organizations had led them to be excluded from much of the new social movements theorizing thus lacking a broad political perspective on the sector. On analyzing TSO on a political perspective we can ask: what are the conditions for the third sector to integrate social welfare demands and be effective in promoting policy changes towards more inclusive and empowering welfare systems. To answer this question we must consider a wide range of aspects such as: the social, economic and political environment of the organizations, the internal heterogeneity of the "sector", the structural tensions coming from the state, the market and the community, the legal and political framework for political participation and advocacy, the organization of the sector, the characteristics and weight of its different constituencies, and the nature of social citizenship embedded in its activities and demands. These aspects will be considered in analyzing the relationship between the state and the third sector organizations in Portugal.




Author(s): Spyros Franguiadakis and Pascal Viot

A partir de quelques exemples de dispositifs associatifs ou de collectifs de mobilisation aux marges des organisations syndicales et des partis politiques, nous nous proposons d'explorer quelques pistes de réflexion concernant les formes actuelles d'engagement dans l'espace public en France. Dans un contexte socio-historique marqué par l'incertitude face à l'avenir, les collectifs de " sans " (sans-papiers, " double-peine ", sans-logement, sans-emploi,…), l'implication des malades dans des actions de prévention et de responsabilisation ou le mouvement pour une " altermondialisation " contribuent à reformater l'engagement public selon des logiques concurrentes de celles de la sphère politique instituée. Il s'agira, dans cette communication, de circonstancier les opérations menées par des individus et des collectifs pour: 1- convertir des situations de souffrance en agir public, 2- transformer des ruptures biographiques marquées par des situations de désaffiliation et d'exclusion sociale en reconnaissance publique, ou encore 3- (re)trouver dans une " société de risque " de nouveaux cadres pour penser le vivre ensemble. En d'autres termes, nous présenterons une topographie de l'engagement comme action publique qui, pour exister et être performante, est amenée à prendre en compte sa propre localité et ses propres contraintes pratiques, sans échafaudage idéologique préalable et avec un horizon d'action souvent très limité. Comment comprendre dès lors les qualités anthropologiques du sujet démocratique qui se dessine dans un monde social " désenchanté " et comment conférer à la question sensible du politique un sens réinventé par ses bords?




Author(s): Suvi Salmenniemi

The paper deals with local civic activism and its gendered dimensions in post-Soviet Russia. The analysis is based on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Tver' in Central Russia. Firstly, the paper focuses on analysing the relationship between civic organisations and the local government. The paper analyses what kind of mechanisms and patterns of interaction there exists between the civic organisations and the local government, why the patterns of interaction vary between the organisations, and what kind of consequences it has for the organisational practises and activities. Secondly, the paper analyses how the local authorities and the representatives of civic organisations construct the relations between the state and civic organisations at the discursive level, and what kind of similarities and differences can be found in their discursive frameworks. It will be also explored what kind of gendered agency and identities these discursive frameworks produce. Thirdly, the paper will briefly examine how Russian national identity is re- negotiated in the context of civic activism. It will be analysed how the generational and gender distinctions serve as important components in re-defining post-Soviet 'citizen' and its relation to the state.




Author(s): Thomas Olesen

This essay develops two interrelated theses. The first thesis brings into play the concepts of globalization, democracy and social movements, and underlines their mutually constitutive character in the development of Western societies since the 18th century. The second thesis points to an uncertain future by looking at a confusing present. Extrapolating from the analysis of the historical relationship between globalization, democracy and social movements it identifies the incipient development of a global solidarity paradigm. This paradigm is anchored in radical democratic ideas and expressed by contemporary social movement networks whose activities involve the crossing of physical, social and cultural distances. The emphasis on radical democracy and the decidedly global nature of the paradigm implies a challenge to the traditional national and state anchored conception of democracy and its liberal and representative foundations, hence the reference of the essay headline to a struggle inside democracy. While presenting a progressive and leftist alternative, the global solidarity paradigm thus formulates its critique from within a clearly democratic framework. Consequently, it does not presuppose a fundamental break with existing social and political systems, but rather seeks to radically redefine their form and content. We are currently at a historical juncture where the two theses intersect, as it were, partly as a result of changes related to the end of the Cold War. Interpreted within a Braudelian framework, the end of the Cold War marks the closing of a conjuncture set in motion by the restructuring processes after the Second World War. If we apply the even deeper historical perspective of the longue durée, we may see this period as the latest phase of a process with roots in European modernity. What is argued is not that the developments of the last decades usher in a new longue durée. Rather, it is suggested that we stand on the brink of a new conjuncture in which the relationship between globalization, democracy and social movements may be reconfigured in the direction of a global solidarity paradigm. This is by no means a given outcome. In the current situation, and especially with 11 September and the Iraq war in mind, it is not difficult to find examples supporting the argument that anti-global and anti-democratic forces are gaining the upper hand. The global solidarity paradigm is both fragile and in an early stage of development. The global solidarity paradigm should not be equated with the recently much debated global civil society. Global civil society is a catch-all concept encompassing every non-state actor engaged in cross-border activity and therefore of limited analytical use. Analyzing globalized forms of social movement action requires us to break down overly abstract concepts such as global civil society and to avoid constructing global civil society as a unitary subject with transformative potential. The global solidarity paradigm, in contrast, denotes a specific and analytical category within global civil society, thus allowing us to identify some of the main differences that exist between the numerous social movement actors who today engage in various forms of global interaction. It is not suggested that the global solidarity paradigm is the strongest or most important current in global civil society. The reason that it merits attention is its potentially novel way of combining a radical conception of democracy with an essentially positive and people centred approach to the process of globalization that contrasts sharply with the anti-globalization label applied to many global solidarity activists. The discussions of the essay thus seek to sketch a theoretical and political position that diverges from the ideas of reformist global governance and state centred protectionism that tend to occupy most space in the media and in academic debates. The concept and idea of global solidarity does not refer to a specific political theory or to easily identifiable groups of social activists. The discussion to come is therefore a tentative attempt at synthesizing one specific current of thought and action that is taking shape in these years within the pattern of protest evident at least since the so-called Battle in Seattle in 1999. Rather than providing an empirical map of the paradigm, the essay focuses on its theoretical foundations and the general world political framework in which it operates. As such, the discussions of global solidarity may at times appear somewhat abstract and even unfounded. The argumentation does, however, build on empirical observation, although these are not made directly visible in the essay. This is primarily a methodological choice and a result of space constraints. It will be the task of coming analyses to combine the theoretical framework of the essay with a more case study based approach. The structure of the essay is made up of three themes. In section one, it draws a historical sketch of the intimate connections between globalization, democracy and social movements. In sections two and three, it focuses on the nature of the changes related to the end of the Cold War. These developments are theorized through the master frame and political opportunity concepts, both of them drawn from the literature on social movements. In sections four and five and in the conclusion, it identifies the central characteristics of the global solidarity paradigm and the radical democratic and global ideas on which it builds. This involves a parallel discussion of tendencies that point in different directions or run counter to the ideas inherent in the paradigm. Theoretically, the discussions in this part of the essay borrow from the New Social Movements theory of the 1980s and attempt to apply it to the current and in many ways more global situation.




Author(s): Yolanda Morales Vera

El Animalismo, término bajo el que se agrupan diferentes perspectivas, involucradas en la lucha por la liberación de los animales; es un movimiento que ha adquirido cada vez mas relevancia en las sociedades avanzadas, ya desde la publicación de la obra del filósofo australiano, Peter Singer, "Animal Liberation", en el año 1975. De entre los valores posmaterialistas asumidos por parte de dichos sistemas, será este movimiento, uno de los que más dificultades encontrará en su trayectoria. La imposibilidad del grupo explotado, para organizarse y presionar, o la implicación del enorme número de sujetos beneficiados, con la situación manifestada; dificultarán aún más su solución e impondrán una barrera para la publicitación de la situación padecida por los animales. En muchos aspectos, continuarán siendo analizados bajo un prisma cartesiano. Sin embargo, la preocupación por ampliar nuestro círculo moral incluyendo en él agentes pertenecientes a otras especies, y la lucha por erradicar el sistema especista imperante, tendrá cada vez más fuerza en determinados sectores de nuestras sociedades. El trabajo plantea un singular recorrido, a través de las distintas trabas encontradas por el movimiento en su particular cruzada; sus principales objetivos, y algunos datos sociológicos sobre sus miembros. En España, cada vez son más los medios que se hacen eco de la problemática, como consecuencia del creciente interés social despertado por el tema. No obstante, todavía se sigue utilizando a los animales, como sujeto de diversión; como demuestra la cantidad de dinero invertida en fiestas populares cuyo eje central es un animal.